Maryland Governor Wes Moore (D) emphatically aligned himself with the so-called "abundance" agenda during a speech in South Carolina last Friday night. Expected to run for the White House in 2028, Moore spoke in code to some of the Democratic Party's wealthiest donors, who have already put millions behind the abundance message, spearheaded by a recent book written by pundits Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson. But Klein and Thompson have found their warmest reception on podcasts hosted by neoliberal Democrats and conservatives. Many progressives, in contrast, have seen through the abundance campaign for what it is: a repackaging of earlier pushes for the juicing of corporate profits, at the expense of local control over zoning and growth issues. That perceptive reaction from the Bernie Sanders wing of the party is backed up by a new poll that shows Moore's embrace of the "abundance bros" movement puts him out of step with the progressive Democrats and independents he will need to prevail in Democratic and open primaries in 2028.
The abundance campaign is another good example of the "now more than ever" phenomenon. No matter what the crisis of the hour might be, the same old agenda is pushed as the solution. At the moment, the crisis is the Democratic Party's identity crisis. Real estate developers who have tried several tactics to gain the right to build luxury multifamily housing in the most desirable and successful residential areas - starting with the environment, and most-recently and disgustingly glomming onto the George Floyd Revolution and Black Lives Matter movement with a racial argument for blowing up zoning codes - with relatively little success, have now put a new brand on the same old YIMBY agenda. Also on board are other corporate interests, forever seeking a reduction in regulations, and an increase in profit margins.
Klein, Thompson, and others pushing the abundance agenda have offered it as a liberal response to President Donald Trump's MAGA agenda, and a blueprint for 2028 Democratic presidential candidates. But not only is it just another case of "more cowbell," it fundamentally misfires as a quick fix for what ails the Democratic Party. Where Trump's success among Black and Latino men in 2024 was in large part the idea that he would provide them with prosperity, the abundance agenda openly and unabashedly reserves the financial benefits for wealthy developers, power companies, and Chinese solar panel manufacturers. Things will "get done," and faster alright. But none of the profits will accrue to you, and you'll give up local control over decisions that directly impact your neighborhood. Good deal, right?
Voters polled by Demand Progress seem to have been impressively quick studies of the abundance agenda. Democrats and independents responded negatively to the abundance agenda, while Republicans had a more favorable reaction. Progressive policies (oddly termed "populist" by Demand Progress) like getting money out of politics, breaking up big banks and corporations, and prosecuting corruption were seen as more favorable by 72.5% of Democrats, and 55.4% of independents, according to Axios.
When asked to make a blunt choice between abundance and populism, only 16.8% of Democrats endorsed abundance.
It's curious that Moore is one of them. Not only does the abundance agenda get a thumbs down from a majority of the voters he needs to get past the primaries in 2028, but it also puts him in a crowded lane of Democratic candidates. Among those who have also posited themselves as abundance bros are Tim Walz, Cory Booker, Jared Polis, and Kamala Harris. And Pete Buttigieg was an abundance bro before it was even a thing.
"Gone are the days when the Democrats are the party of no and slow. we must be the party of yes and now," Moore declared, which was surely music to the ears of corporate donors who want the abundance agenda to be the Democratic Party agenda. That corporate money will be an advantage for Moore, no doubt. As was seen with Joe Biden in 2020, Moore can lose Iowa and New Hampshire, and still clinch the nomination with a Jim Clyburn endorsement in South Carolina that Clyburn himself has already hinted at. And the Democratic National Committee has slammed the door on progressive upstarts in three straight elections, most notably kneecapping Bernie Sanders twice. Can the DNC do it a fourth time in a row?
Moore is in his element among the rich and famous, having raised most of his campaign cash at fundraisers in the Hamptons and on Martha's Vineyard when he ran for governor in 2022. And just this year, he closed a budget gap largely on the backs of the poor and middle class, who now must pay hundreds of dollars to register their vehicles with the state, among other regressive tax and fee hikes. The Reaganesque, Laffer Curve, trickle-down, supply-side voodoo economics of the abundance agenda are not that surprising of a platform for Moore, given that he first entered politics in college as a Young Republican.
Moore and his backers have tried to cast him as a charismatic and inspirational figure in the mold of Barack Obama. But the 2008-era Obama presented himself as a champion for the little guy, not Wall Street and real estate moguls. Once in the White House, he quickly morphed into a neoliberal and forever-war fighter, but his pre-2009 populist persona was what won him many of the same voters who would propel Trump to victory eight years later. The abundance promise of lower costs and higher profits for mega corporations might win Moore an abundance of campaign cash, but is unlikely to draw an abundance of progressive Democrat and independent primary votes.
